Hispanic Values for Church, Family, Social and the Hispanic Electorate

June 19, 2004 - The Hispanic population of the United States holds an array of attitudes, values and beliefs that are distinct from those of non-Hispanic whites and African Americans.

Even Hispanics who trace their ancestry in the United States back for several generations express views that distinguish them from the non-Hispanic native-born population.

However, there is no single, homogeneous Hispanic opinion. A diversity of views exists among Hispanics, and the differences between the foreign born, regardless of their country of origin, and the native born and those between the English dominant and the Spanish dominant are most notable.

Presented is a multifaceted representation of a population undergoing rapid change due to immigration that includes individuals at many different stages in the process of assimilation to English and American ways. The results help resolve a sometimes argumentative though frequently-asked question: Are Hispanic newcomers undergoing the melting pot experience, or are they and their offspring maintaining their native cultures and becoming an ethnic group that is different from the mainstream? The answer is:

Both, to some extent.

For example, an examination of Hispanics’ attitudes on social issues shows that immigrants hold a range of views on matters like gender roles, abortion and homosexuality that are somewhat more conservative than those of most non-Hispanic whites. Meanwhile native-born Hispanics, including the children of immigrants, express attitudes that are more squarely within the range of views voiced by non-Hispanics.

Nonetheless, some elements of this social conservatism and, in particular, a strong attachment to family is evident among Hispanics who predominantly speak English and are generations removed from the immigrant experience.

Immigration is also an important factor in shaping Hispanics’ sense of their social identity. The report reveals a robust attachment to countries of origin, and while this attachment is naturally strongest among the foreign born, it also extends to their U.S-born children and even somewhat among Hispanics whose families are long-time U.S. residents. Social identity for Hispanics, however, is much more complex and fluid than simply a connection to an ancestral homeland.

Native born

Hispanics also use the term “American” to describe themselves more than terms like “Mexican” or “Cuban.” Use of the terms “Hispanic” or “Hispanic,” which encompass all national origin groups, add another crosscurrent. Respondents use these broader terms to distinguish themselves from non-Hispanics, but in large numbers they also say that Hispanics of different countries of origin share no common culture.

The report also sheds considerable light on the experiences that Hispanics have in the United States. Focusing particularly on experiences with discrimination, their economic and financial situations and experiences with the health care system, the report finds a diversity of experiences largely reflective in differences between native and foreign born and differences between English and Spanish dominant. 

Overall, the findings suggest the need for new ways of thinking about the Hispanic population in this country. It is neither monolithic nor a hodgepodge of distinct national origin groups. Rather, Hispanics share a range of attitudes and experiences that set them apart from the non- Hispanic population. Yet this common culture embraces a diversity of views that is most evident in the contrasts between immigrants and the native born.

The report argues for a more dynamic approach in regard to Hispanics because this is a population undergoing constant change due to immigration. Regardless of nativity or country of origin, Hispanics who reside in the United States are engaging the English language and American ways to various degrees. Yet, simultaneously, newly arrived immigrants are bringing new energy to Spanish and to attitudes shaped in Latin America. In interpreting the report results it is important to keep in mind that these two processes—assimilation and immigration—are taking place side-by-side in Hispanic communities, often within a single family.

• The primary terms Hispanics use to identify themselves differ dramatically according to how many generations an individual’s family has been living in the United States. Country of origin was cited as the first or only term used for self-identification by more than two-thirds (68%) of foreign-born Hispanics. Among those who were born in the United States of immigrant parents (the second generation), almost equal shares identified themselves primarily either by their parents’ countries of origin (38%) or as American (35%). Over half (57%) of Hispanics with U.S.-born parents (the third generation and beyond) identify themselves first and foremost as an American.

• Hispanics seem to see themselves more as having separate and distinct cultures based on country of origin rather than sharing a single culture as Hispanics or Hispanics, but they are more divided in their views on whether or not Hispanics are working together politically.

Assimilation:

How do Hispanics view the United States?

• When comparing the United States to the countries where they or their ancestors were born, Hispanics overall are fairly positive and optimistic. In particular, they feel very strongly that the United States offers more opportunities to get ahead and that Hispanic children growing up in the United States will have more opportunities in employment and education than they themselves had. On the other hand, Hispanics express somewhat less positive and more mixed views on the state of moral values and the strength of family ties in the United States. Nonetheless, there seems to be some confidence that Hispanics can pass on the values that they deem important, and a majority maintains that Hispanic children growing up in the United States will stay close to their families.

• Hispanics, particularly those who are born outside the United States and those who predominantly speak Spanish, believe that one must do what is best for oneself rather than what is best for others to be successful in the United States.

On the other hand, Hispanics do not feel that to be successful you must work long hours at the expense of your personal life, whereas almost half of whites feel this is the case. Hispanic viewpoints on these issues, however, differ as Hispanics who are likely to be the most assimilated, such as those who are native born and English dominant, are more likely than those who are foreign born and Spanish dominant to agree with the views of white Americans on these issues.

Assimilating to the United States: Behavior, Values, Religion and Views on Government

• Hispanics, particularly those who are Spanish speakers, feel very strongly that Hispanics must learn English in order to be successful in the United States.

• Spanish remains the dominant language in the adult Hispanic population. English, however, clearly gains ground even within immigrant households. The second generation—the U.S. born children of immigrants—predominantly speak English or are bilingual. Indeed, Hispanic parents, even those who are immigrants, report that English is the language their children generally use when speaking to their friends.

• When it comes to social values, Hispanics have social values that are somewhat more conservative than whites, but that are often similar to those of African Americans.

• Hispanics who were born outside of the United States tend to be more socially conservative than Hispanics who are native born, though this does depend to some extent on the respondent’s age when he or she immigrated to the United States. Differences in social views are even more pronounced between Hispanics who speak Spanish predominantly and those who predominantly speak English. Some differences also exist based on country of origin, with Mexicans and Central Americans tending to be slightly more socially conservative than Hispanics from other countries.

• Some of these differences in values may be explained by religion. Hispanics overall describe themselves as very religious with a majority identifying themselves as Roman Catholic. Hispanics who say they have no religion express views that tend to be less socially conservative and more similar to those of whites. Nonetheless, religion does not explain all of the differences in social values between Hispanics and whites, as both white Catholics and whites who say they have no religion tend to be less conservative on social issues than their Hispanic counterparts.

• Hispanics express views that emphasize the importance of family ties, and they have somewhat more conservative views on gender roles than whites.

• Hispanics also have a generally more favorable opinion of government than do whites or African Americans.

• Finally, one belief that does differ strikingly between immigrants and native-born Hispanics is fatalism, i.e., the belief that it does not do any good to plan for the future because one does not have control over destiny. Foreign-born Hispanics, especially those who immigrated after the age of 10, and those who speak Spanish predominantly tend to agree that fate determines the future. By contrast, those born in the United States, those who are foreign born but who immigrated to the United States when they were age 10 or younger, and those who predominantly speak English generally do not agree that this is the case.

• Overall, Hispanics who are more assimilated, that is, those who primarily speak English and those whose families have been in the United States for multiple generations, tend to have social values as well as a lack of fatalism that are more characteristic of mainstream American views than are the views of Hispanic immigrants. However, on issues such as the importance of family and the size of government, Hispanics, even after multiple generations in the United States, express a more distinct Hispanic perspective.

Experiences with and Views about Discrimination:

• Hispanics overwhelmingly say that discrimination against Hispanics is a problem both in general and in specific settings such as schools and the workplace.

• An overwhelming majority (83%) of Hispanics also report that discrimination by Hispanics against other Hispanics is a problem, and almost half (47%) feel that this is a major problem. Hispanics are most likely to attribute this type of discrimination to disparities in income and education, though a substantial number also feel that Hispanics discriminate against other Hispanics because they or their parents or ancestors are from a different country of origin.

• When asked about their personal experience with discrimination, a smaller, though still substantial number (31%) of Hispanics report that they or someone close to them has suffered discrimination in the last five years because of their racial or ethnic background. About one in seven (14%) Hispanics report personally experiencing employment-related discrimination, including not being hired for a job or not promoted because of their race or ethnicity.

• In addition to those who say they or someone close to them has experienced discrimination, many Hispanics report experiencing more subtle forms of unfair treatment because of their race or ethnicity such as being treated with less respect than others (45%), receiving poorer service than others (41%), and being insulted or called names (30%).

• When Hispanics were asked to explain why they believe they have been discriminated against or treated unfairly in the past, they are most likely to say that it was due to the language they speak (35%), though many also attribute it to their physical appearance (24%), or feel that it was a result of both the way they look and the language they speak (20%).

Economic and Financial Experiences:

• Overall, Hispanics report a weaker financial situation than do whites. They report having lower household incomes, they are less likely to own the home they live in, and they are more likely to report having had financial difficulties in the past year. Hispanics are also less likely than whites to use traditional financial resources such as bank accounts and credit cards.

Furthermore, lower income Hispanics report having more severe financial hardships than whites in the same income bracket.

• Although Hispanics report being somewhat ambivalent about their current financial situation, they tend to be more optimistic than whites or African Americans. Furthermore, the overwhelming majority of Hispanics, regardless of their place of birth or primary language, are confident that Hispanic children growing up in the United States will have better jobs and make more money than they do.

Health Care Experiences:

• As has been documented before, Hispanics (35%) are more likely than whites (14%) or African Americans (21%) to report being without health insurance.

• A substantial minority of Hispanics report additional health care challenges such as problems paying medical bills (22%), delaying seeking care because of costs (20%) or getting needed health care services (15%). Furthermore, some Hispanics report having problems communicating with health care providers due to language barriers (29%) or having difficultly getting care due to their race and ethnic background (18%). Not surprisingly, these experiences are more common among those who are Spanish dominant and among those who were born outside the United States.

INTRODUCTION AND DESCRIPTION OF ADULT HISPANICS

In the 2000 Census, some 35,306,000 persons living in the United States identified themselves as being Hispanics. That represented a 142% increase over the 1980 Census count, and means that Hispanics now make up nearly 13% of the U.S. population overall. Despite their large and growing numbers, the complexities of views and experiences within the Hispanic population remain largely unexplored. Great diversity within this population exists due to several factors: Hispanics come from many different countries of origin. They have different degrees of language assimilation. And, the population is comprised of recent immigrants, the children of immigrants, and those whose families have been in the United States for multiple generations. While various reports of Hispanic views and experiences have been conducted, few projects have been able to examine this population in depth to fully understand how this diversity impacts views, beliefs and experiences.

This first section describes the reported adult Hispanic population, highlighting key areas of demographic differences among subgroups that are important to keep in mind when exploring how views and experiences differ among the groups. It also describes and defines the subgroups we then refer to throughout the rest of the report.

HISPANIC/AFRICAN AMERICAN/WHITE

Definition

The terms “Hispanic” and “Hispanic” are used interchangeably throughout the report. Respondents self-identified as Hispanic/Hispanic based on a question that asked, “Are you, yourself of Hispanic or Latin origin or descent such as Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Dominican, Central or South American, Caribbean or some other Latin American background?” Based on this question, we identified 2929 Hispanics for the report. The terms “African American” and “white” are used throughout the report to refer to non-Hispanic African Americans and whites–in other words, those respondents who do not self-identify as being of Hispanic or Latin origin or descent. The sample for this report included 171 African Americans, and 1008 whites.

Additional Key Demographic Differences

Income

Hispanics and African Americans report having similar household incomes, which tend to be lower than household incomes reported by whites. (Table 1.1) Half of all Hispanics report having an annual household income under $30,000, 23% report having a household income between $30,000 and below $50,000, 17% report making over $50,000, and just over one in ten (11%) did not know their annual household income.

FOREIGN-BORN HISPANICS/NATIVE-BORN HISPANICS

Definition

“Foreign-born Hispanics,” who are also referred to in this report as “those born outside of the United States,” are those who were born outside of the fifty states as well as those who were born on the island of Puerto Rico, a commonwealth associated with the United States. Although individuals born in Puerto Rico are U.S. citizens by birthright, they were included among the foreign-born because, like immigrants from Latin America, they were born into a Spanish dominant culture and because on many points their attitudes, views and beliefs are much closer to Hispanics born abroad than to Hispanics born in the fifty-states, even those who identify themselves as being of Puerto Rican origins.

Native-born Hispanics are those who say they were born in the United States. These respondents are also referred to as “U.S.-born Hispanics.”

Hispanics in the United States are more likely to be foreign born (63%) than native born (37%).

Additional Key Demographic Differences

Primary Language

As might be expected, native-born Hispanics are much more likely than foreign-born Hispanics to speak English as their primary language (61% vs. 4%) or to be bilingual (35% vs. 24%), while foreign-born Hispanics are much more likely than native-born Hispanics to be Spanish dominant (72% vs. 4%).

Education

Over half (55%) of foreign-born Hispanics have less than a high school education compared to fewer than a quarter (23%) of native-born Hispanics. Native-born Hispanics are more likely than foreign-born Hispanics to have completed high school (35% vs. 29%), have some college (29% vs. 9%), or to have graduated from college or received a degree after college (13% vs. 7%).

Household Income and Occupation

Foreign-born Hispanics generally live in households with lower incomes than those who are native born. The majority (57%) of foreign-born Hispanics report making less than $30,000 a year, while the majority (53%) of native-born Hispanics report making more than $30,000 a year.

Employed foreign-born Hispanics are also more likely to report being in blue-collar jobs (65%) than those who are native born (28%).

AGE AT IMMIGRATION

Definition

Respondents who were born outside of the United States were asked their age at the time they immigrated to the United States (Puerto Ricans born on the island were not asked this question and are not included in these groups). Based on their responses they were categorized into four groups: those who arrived when they were age 10 or younger, ages 11-17, ages 18-25, and those who arrived when they were age 26 or older.

Foreign-born Hispanics are more likely to report having immigrated to the United States at an older age.

Additional Key Demographic Differences

Primary Language

Those who arrived when they were very young, in this case age 10 or younger, may have experiences more similar to Hispanics who were born in the United States than to others who are foreign-born. In particular, foreign-born Hispanics who arrive at a young age are much more likely to speak English as adults and will have received a majority of their education from American schools. In contrast, foreign-born Hispanics who arrived when they were older, particularly those who arrived when they are already into adulthood, in this case age 26 and older, are more likely to be Spanish dominant than those who arrived when they were younger.

Income

Foreign-born Hispanics who immigrated to the United States at a younger age are also more likely to report being in households with a higher annual income than are those who came when they were older.

The majority of foreign-born Hispanics who arrived when they were ages 11 or older indicate that they earn less than $30,000 a year, while a majority of those who arrived when they were age 10 or younger indicate that they earn over $30,000.

GENERATION

Definition

First generation Hispanics are those who were born outside of the United States, including those born in Puerto Rico. This group is the same as the foreign-born Hispanics defined above. The second generation is made up of those who were born in the United States and whose parents were foreign born. The group labeled “3rd generation or higher” includes anyone whose parents were born in the United States.

The majority of Hispanics (63%) indicated that they were first generation, including 5% who said they were born in Puerto Rico. About one in five (19%) indicates they are second generation in the United States, and 17% indicate they are third generation or higher.

Additional Key Demographic Differences

Primary Language

As noted above, a large majority (72%) of first generation or foreign born Hispanics are Spanish dominant; about one in four (24%) is bilingual while only 4% are English dominant. In contrast, second generation Hispanics are mostly divided between those who are English dominant (46%) and those who are bilingual (47%). Third generation or higher Hispanics are largely English dominant (78%). While a few Hispanics whose families have been in the United States for multiple generations are bilingual (22%), none indicate that they are Spanish dominant.

PRIMARY LANGUAGE

Additional Key Demographic Differences

Income

Spanish-dominant Hispanics report having lower incomes than those who are bilingual or those who are English dominant. There are not significant differences in reported income between bilingual and English-dominant Hispanics.

The majority (65%) of Spanish-dominant Hispanics report earning less than $30,000 a year while those who are bilingual or English dominant are more likely to report earning over $30,000 a year, and particularly more likely to report annual incomes of $50,000 or more a year.

Employed Spanish-dominant Hispanics are also more likely to report being in blue-collar jobs (74%) than are bilingual (35%) or English dominant Hispanics (31%).

COUNTRY OF ORIGIN

Definition

“Country of origin” refers to the country or region where the respondent or the respondent’s parents or ancestors were born. Respondents were asked a series of questions to determine their “country of origin.” Respondents were first asked: “Were you born in the United States, the island of Puerto Rico, or in another country?”

Those who said they were born in “another country” were asked “In what country were you born?” Those who were born in the United States were asked “What country did your parents, grandparents or ancestors come from?” Respondents who named more than one country were then asked “Which country do you identify with more?”

Based on these questions, Hispanics were placed in a specific “country of origin group.” At various places throughout the report findings are reported for Hispanics “from” a particular country or region. Please note that these groups include not only those who were actually born in that country, but all of those who trace their roots to that country.

The specific country groups with enough respondents to assess separately include Mexican, Cuban, Dominican, Salvadoran and Colombian, and the commonwealth of Puerto Rico. In addition, results are given for “Total Central Americans” which includes Salvadorans and all other respondents who indicated they were from a Central American country, and for “Total South Americans” which includes Colombians and respondents who indicated they were from a South American Country. Hispanics who indicated any other country or region as their country of origin fall into the category “All Other.”

Salvadorans largely dominate the group “Total Central Americans.”

This group also includes Hispanics from Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, and Costa Rica.

Similarly, Colombians dominate the “Total South American” group, which also includes Hispanics from many other South American countries.

The category “all other” is a group made up of Hispanics from countries that do not have particularly large populations in the United States.

This group is dominated by those who are of Spanish descent, but also includes Hispanics who say they or their ancestors are from, for example, the United States, Europe, and the Caribbean islands.

Additional Key Demographic Differences

Foreign-Born/Native-Born

The country of origin groups vary a great deal in terms of the percentage of Hispanics in each group who are foreign born versus those who are native born. Four country of origin groups and two regions are highly dominated by Hispanics who were born outside of the United States: Colombians (83%), Dominicans (85%), Salvadorans (91%), Total South Americans (85%), and Total Central Americans (92%). The Cuban country of origin group is also heavily foreign born (78%), though it includes almost one in five (22%) native-born Hispanics. By contrast, the Mexican and Puerto Rican country of origin groups are more evenly split between those who are foreign born and those who are native born.

The “All Other” group of respondents is the only group that is dominated by Hispanics who were born in the United States.

Primary Language

Hispanics associated with different countries of origin have differences in the primary language they speak. Hispanics from “other” countries are much more likely than other groups to be English dominant. Puerto Ricans also stand out as being much more likely than other groups to speak English predominantly or to be bilingual.

In contrast, Hispanics from Central America, El Salvador, and the Dominican Republic are more likely than Puerto Ricans, Mexicans and Hispanics from “other” countries to be Spanish dominant.